![]() ![]() Despite China’s weight in economic and security terms, it is difficult for both Seoul and Tokyo to stably manage relations with Beijing amid the ever-tense U.S.-China competition. ![]() Second, the government must use the improved Korea-Japan relations as the ground to seek national interest elsewhere. But rivaling parties in Korea must separate cooperative relations between Seoul and Tokyo from contentious past issues whoever takes power. Even to offset the public criticism of the conservative government for yielding too much to Japan over the wartime forced labor issue, it must strengthen future-oriented cooperation and exchange with Japan on economic, security and cultural fronts to maximize national interests.Īs Korea-Japan relations are arguably the most divisive issue, they can be used as an effective tool for domestic politics. Over other volatile issues such as historical distortions for school textbooks and politicians’ uninterrupted tribute to the Yasukuni Shrine, the government must take a clear and strict position, but at the same time should be careful not to damage the momentum for a better future. Given the worsened relations from our past governments’ political needs - and since the Yoon administration took a bold step despite political risks - the government must persistently push for active exchanges and cooperation to lay the foundation for partnership for the future. It is also uncertain if Tokyo will recommend - or endorse - Japanese companies to make financial contributions to a third-party fund led by Seoul for the compensation. There is no guarantee that the two countries will maintain good relations or that Tokyo will have a better recognition of the past from now. Most of all, the Yoon administration must continue the shuttle diplomacy initiated by the president until the end of his term. Kishida accompanying Yoon on Sunday to the memorial of Korean victims of the atomic bombing to pay tribute to them reflects his wish to convey his indebtedness to the Korean people and deliver a strong will to improve bilateral ties. Second, Kishida’s admission of sadness about a number of wartime forced laborers working under tough conditions shows a maximum expression of his feelings as a Japanese prime minister within the boundaries of no remorse or apology about the past issue. Tokyo could be convinced that it cannot express regret or apology as it believes Seoul must take responsibility for the Supreme Court’s rulings which overturned the two government’s earlier agreements on compensations for former wartime sexual slavery and forced labor. As long as a conservative party is in power, we may not expect a regret or apology from a Japanese prime minister. How should we comprehend them?įirst of all, Kishida made it clear that his cabinet will succeed previous cabinets’ positions on the issue overall but will not repeat a regret or apology as they did or express a new regret or apology.Īs suggested by the perennial dominance of the Liberal Democratic Party in Japan’s politics, the weakening of the Constitutional Democratic Party and the emboldened Japan Innovation Party today, a conservative path is nearly destiny for Japan in the face of growing security threats from China and heated competition with Korea. The move reflects Kishida’s intention to build on the momentum created by Yoon to normalize the Korea-Japan relations after a long lull.īut Koreans are still puzzled over Kishida’s remarks in Seoul about past issues. Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida’s May 7 to 8 visit to Korea was unprecedented even as “shuttle diplomacy.” He came to Seoul less than two months after President Yoon Suk Yeol’s trip to Tokyo in March - and less than two weeks before Yoon’s visit to Hiroshima for another summit with Kishida on the sidelines of the Group of 7 summit in the city. The author is a former ambassador to Vietnam. ![]()
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